Saleh Mamman, the former Minister of Power, would have joined the long list of politicians who have escaped or delayed justice through the immunity clause had the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission not acted swiftly. The ex-minister had obtained an APC governorship nomination form to contest the 2027 election in Taraba State. A victory would have guaranteed him four years of immunity from prosecution, and potentially eight years with a second term. What would have happened to his case by then would depend entirely on the government in power. But fortune abandoned him the day he purchased that form. The EFCC acted fast.
We also learned that a former governor from the North, who has been in the EFCC’s crosshairs for nearly two years, has now dropped his senatorial ambitions. While this remains unconfirmed, the Commission has vowed to ensure he faces the full justice he deserves.
This scenario is not hypothetical. The immunity clause enshrined in Section 308 of the 1999 Constitution has for decades served as a protective shield for corrupt public officials across Nigeria. Presidents, vice presidents, governors, and deputy governors cannot be prosecuted while in office. Originally conceived to protect officeholders from frivolous litigation, the clause has instead become a strategic tool for looting. Public officials steal with impunity during their tenure, knowing that the law cannot touch them until they leave office. By then, evidence has been destroyed, witnesses have been compromised or have died, and a new administration, often from the same political stock, may have no interest in pursuing the matter.
How many former governors are today living freely on the wealth they accumulated in office? How many state chief executives have finished their tenures and simply walked away, never facing a day in court? The list is long and shameful. The immunity clause did not create corruption in Nigeria, but it has become its most reliable enabler.
This was the path Selah Mamman had chosen for himself. He would use looted funds to run for governor, win, and spend the next four to eight years safely beyond the reach of the EFCC. By the time his tenure ended, the case against him might have grown cold, or a different government might have chosen to look the other way. It was a calculated escape plan. And it nearly worked.
But the EFCC acted first. And for that, the Commission deserves commendation.
On Wednesday, May 13, 2026, Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja sentenced Mamman to 75 years imprisonment for money laundering to the tune of N33,804,830,503.73. The former minister was convicted on all 12 counts. He was absent from court. The judge ordered all national and international security agencies to arrest him and hand him over to the Nigerian Correctional Centre. The sentence will run from the date of his arrest.
Justice Omotosho sentenced Mamman to seven years each on counts 1,2,3,6,7,8,9,10,11 and 12 without an option of fine. The judge also ordered the forfeiture of two units of four-bedroom detached apartments located at 93 Ahmed Joda Crescent, Kado Estate, Abuja, and a property at No 12A & B, Lingo Street, Wuse, Abuja. Various foreign currencies recovered from Mamman’s house — $13,890, €19,960, £10,000, 42,390 South African rand, R35,000 (Lesotho loti), ₹50,60,000 (Indian rupees) and 247 Saudi Arabian riyals — were also forfeited to the Federal Government. [Note: I have interpreted “Doran” as South African rand, but please confirm and adjust as needed.] The judge further ordered Mamman to refund the difference between the amount recovered and the outstanding balance of the N22 billion for which he was found guilty.
The prosecution, led by Rotimi Oyedepo, SAN, who is also the Director of Public Prosecution of the Federation, presented 17 witnesses and 43 documentary exhibits. When Mamman failed to appear for sentencing, Oyedepo properly invoked Sections 266 and 352 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015, which permit a court to proceed in the absence of a defendant. The judge obliged. No delay. No deference to the former minister’s status.
This is how corruption cases should be handled. Swiftly. Thoroughly. Without fear or favour.
The significance of this conviction extends beyond one man. Selah Mamman is the first minister who served under former President Muhammadu Buhari to be jailed for graft. The Buhari administration came to power on an anti-corruption platform. It made arrests. It launched investigations. But for years, Nigerians watched as high-profile cases languished in court. A former justice minister, an ex-central bank governor, a former labour minister — all have been on trial for years. Many Nigerians had given up hope that any of them would ever see the inside of a prison cell.
Mamman’s conviction proves that it is possible. With diligent investigation, competent prosecution, and an independent judiciary, even powerful people can be held accountable.
But the real test will be the cases that follow. The EFCC must sustain this momentum. It must resist political pressure from powerful interests who will attempt to bury investigations or kill files. It must apply the same vigour to cases involving the politically connected as it does to cases involving ordinary criminals. Selective prosecution benefits no one and undermines public trust in anti-corruption institutions.
The National Assembly must also act. The immunity clause must be removed. Former Attorney General of the Federation Kanu Agabi recently called for its removal, stating that the provision has been “exploited to the extent that it threatens the very foundation of the nation.” The clause has not protected governance. It has protected criminals. It has allowed governors to loot state treasuries while schools crumble and hospitals lack medicine. It has taught generations of Nigerian politicians that stealing is safe as long as one wins an election. That lesson must be unlearned.
Until the immunity clause is expunged from the Constitution, the EFCC must remain vigilant. Every politician seeking a governorship or presidency with pending corruption charges must be watched. Every nomination form purchased by an individual under investigation must be a red flag. The Commission cannot afford to be reactive. It must be proactive.
Saleh Mamman wanted immunity. He wanted to hide behind the Constitution while enjoying the proceeds of his theft. He wanted to become Governor of Taraba State, not to serve the people, but to save himself. The EFCC denied him that dream.
For that, the Commission deserves sincere praise. The work, however, is far from over. The convict is still at large. Security agencies must find him. The Nigerian Correctional Centre awaits. His 75-year sentence, running consecutively from the date of his arrest, must be served.
Let this conviction serve as a warning to every public official who believes they can steal from Nigeria and then purchase safety through political office. The immunity clause is not an escape route. The Constitution is not a hiding place. And the EFCC, despite its flaws, has demonstrated that it can still strike.
The sins of Saleh Mamman are unforgivable. But they can be punished. The punishment has begun.
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